🍒 𝑪𝒉𝒆𝒓𝒓𝒚 𝑺𝒑𝒐𝒓𝒕𝒔 è un network su Telegram a tema sportivo, entra nei nostri canali!
Last updated 3 months, 2 weeks ago
Link para ver los episodios:
https://t.me/+tNkG6w-sIDw3ZjIx
1) NON promuoviamo teorie antiscientifiche.
2) NON facciamo né propaganda vaccinale né antivaccinale.
3) RIPORTIAMO, nel virgolettato, la traduzione letterale di ciò che scrivono gli Autori delle pubblicazioni e i relativi link alla fonte originale
https://x.com/kylenabecker/status/1829454153401155836?s=52&t=wM9ql3JIS9sVnEoOWvcedA
X (formerly Twitter)
Kyle Becker (@kylenabecker) on X
Is this the most powerful trailer you've ever seen? Tucker Carlson thinks so ***🔥***
Another Lie! Walz Made Up Key Parts of His Political “Origin Story” https://www.infowars.com/posts/another-lie-walz-made-up-key-parts-of-his-political-origin-story/
Infowars
Another Lie! Walz Made Up Key Parts of His Political “Origin Story”
Tim Walz simply "made up" his political origin story, the Washington Examiner has revealed
Nicole Shanahan has been hitting it out of the park with the videos she has been posting. Man, this one brought me to tears.
In the weeks after the election, Green Party candidate Jill Stein filed for recounts of votes in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. The intellectual backbone of that effort, however, came from Halderman and a clutch of computer scientists and elections experts who pushed for the chance to analyze the computer equipment used in those states for evidence of malware. After an erroneous report in New York magazine set off a frenzy by claiming Halderman felt he had “persuasive evidence that the results … may have been manipulated or hacked,” Halderman wrote a widely read Medium essay in which he asserted he never said that but was, nonetheless, concerned.
“The only way to know whether a cyberattack changed the result is to closely examine the available physical evidence — paper ballots and voting equipment in critical states like Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania,” he wrote. “Unfortunately, nobody is ever going to examine that evidence unless candidates in those states act now, in the next several days, to petition for recounts.”
In the end, the effort didn’t succeed. On cable news and social media, Halderman was dubbed a Stein puppeteer trying to steal the election for Hillary Clinton, and court rulings blocked recounts in Pennsylvania and halted them in Michigan. In Wisconsin, recounts were completed with negligible vote changes, but nobody was able to inspect any of the equipment.
It was remarkable, then, that just six months later Halderman was invited to testify for the U.S. Senate and received warm reception from members of both political parties in a setting that can be notoriously partisan and contentious. To prepare, Halderman spent a few days with a “murder board” of friends and colleagues drilling him with possible questions and rehearsing his opening statement. The aim was for Halderman to avoid seeming partisan.
“One thing we were careful about was trying to figure out how to keep the focus on the secure voting systems we all want instead of letting the conversation go down a rabbit hole of concern about the election just passed,” says Robinson, who helped edit Halderman’s testimony. “We didn’t want him to mention particular problems. We want everyone to have reason to trust our elections.”
On video of the hearing, Halderman appears unflappable as he explains why a certain type of inexpensive, statistically sound audit of paper ballots after an election ought to be routine and is key to double-checking the computer’s results. In actuality, he says, “My adrenaline levels were so high, my heart was beating so fast. It was all I could do to read those prepared remarks, but when I was done, it was a tremendous relief.”
The message seemed well-received, and a few states are starting to consider post-election audits. Since then, Halderman has become a media fixture. The New York Times even produced a short film in which Halderman staged a mock election between Ohio State and U-M at the Beyster Building on North Campus. Knowing that most students would vote for U-M, he demonstrated how easy it is to hack the machines and produce a Buckeyes win.
He’s still worried about the health of the democratic process, but he tinges his alarm with some optimism. Asked whether the country is any better prepared for the 2018 midterm elections than it was in 2016, he replies, “Oh, it’s more or less the same. It’s not great news. But, if anything, we’re watching more vigilantly. If the systems are probed or attacked, it’s more likely we’ll find out about it in 2018. Does that mean that attacks won’t succeed that would have succeeded before? I don’t think we have a basis for strongly increased confidence there. But there are more people watching.”
Halderman, now a tenured professor at U-M and the founding director of the University’s Center for Computer Security and Society, describes his eureka moments as instances in which “the pieces snap together. You set up for it and then—aha! When you’re working on hard problems, it’s not so often when you get beautiful solutions.”
Beauty and elegance are traits Halderman clearly treasures, a product of his upbringing on a 50-acre wooded plot in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. His parents indulged his natural itch to disassemble electronics but also took him to New York often to see the opera. He opens some speeches with a portrait of his great-grandfather Maxo Vanka, a prominent Croatian-born artist, and uses that ancestry to trace his own philosophy of promoting security and privacy to Vanka’s efforts to fight fascism.
Halderman’s office reflects much of his diverse interests and views. His shelves are overwhelmed with works by the likes of Plato and Homer as well as the expected computer science texts and a Geiger counter bought at the Titan Missile Museum in Tucson, Arizona, as a “symbol of a certain era of fear, of where we don’t want to go.” One telling piece of art on his wall is a poster he made at Princeton showing a blown-up image of a key engraved with the words “DUPLICATION PROHIBITED.” “It’s the key to the room that contains a giant printer on which it was printed,” Halderman says with a smirk. “Using the information in this picture, you can replicate not only the physical key by going and cutting one but the poster of the key by printing one after getting in.”
Halderman’s long-standing love of the humanities has made him especially aware of the real-world consequences of the misuse of technology. That helps to explain the dramatic array of technological discovery. From his U-M lab, he and his students have alerted Homeland Security that full-body scanners in common use at airports can be effortlessly duped. They also have developed a now-widely used method of querying every IP address in the world in minutes. And they have persuaded the Chinese government to abandon its efforts to require that all computer users load a piece of surveillance software by demonstrating how vulnerable that made every PC in the country to hack attack.
In 2016, he took a group of students to Hamburg, Germany, for the Chaos Computer Club, billed as the world’s biggest hacker conference. There, they watched him and a Princeton colleague reveal to the world that they had figured out the technological approach taken by the National Security Agency to intercept the enormous amount of material it captured according to the documents leaked by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden. As part of the presentation, Halderman also told the world how best to undermine the NSA’s surveillance.
“Alex chooses problems that aren’t just academically interesting but have a real-world connection,” says Zakir Durumeric, then a U-M doctoral candidate who is now an assistant professor of computer science at Stanford. “If you look at the papers we’ve written over the last couple years, we’re looking at how we can improve security today.”
The only reason there’s no evidence of whether voting machines or vote tabulating equipment was hacked in the 2016 presidential election, Halderman insists, is because nobody allowed him or anyone else to check. This is the core of his advocacy regarding electronic voting machines and vote tabulators: He loves technology and believes it can improve lives, but he also urges extra caution when it comes to a process as important as selecting leaders.
In computer science circles, Halderman was a rock star long before he went to Capitol Hill to scare the bejesus out of everybody about the fragility of American democracy. During his first semester as a Princeton graduate student, he and his mentor, professor Ed Felten, showed how easy it was to defeat Sony BMG’s efforts to prevent CD piracy.
Not long after, Felten drew the promising young researcher into a project that would go on to inform much of Halderman’s career: electronic voting security. After the 2000 election debacle in Florida, with all those hanging chads and confusion about voter intent on paper ballots, Congress gave states more than $3 billion to modernize their voting machinery. This led to a widescale move to touch-screen balloting and computerized tabulations, yet few states or equipment vendors would give independent researchers access to assess how secure these machines were. So in 2006, Felten made contact with an elections insider willing to slip him a commonly used model.
This set up a scene reminiscent of a spy novel, with Halderman, then 25, meeting in an alley with a man in a trench coat who handed him a large leather briefcase containing the contraband voting machine. A few months later, the team posted a YouTube video showing the machine being hacked in a mock election in which Benedict Arnold wins the presidency despite voters clearly choosing George Washington.
That sort of cheeky antic became a signature feature of Halderman’s efforts to alert the public to technological insecurities. In 2010, most notably, the District of Columbia was planning to allow citizens to vote via the internet in municipal elections. Online voting is, to Halderman, a particularly terrible idea and one that he has worked against by exposing security flaws in systems used in Australia, Estonia, and Norway.
To demonstrate and test the district’s system to the public, the city held a mock election a few weeks before election day. Halderman—in his second year as an assistant professor of computer science at U-M—saw this as “a fantastic opportunity to test out attacks in a live system but not an actual election.”
His team easily broke in, altering votes without detection, and even commandeered the video surveillance of the system’s servers. In fact, the only reason anyone noticed the breach was the music on the “thank you for voting” page: His students had set the system to play “The Victors.”
District officials canceled the online voting idea and never returned to it.
One day in 2011, Halderman was at a whiteboard fielding questions from undergraduate engineering students in his “Introduction to Computer Security” class.
A junior asked why a certain approach to circumventing internet censorship in places like China wouldn’t work, so Halderman began explaining its flaws. As he did, though, an idea popped into his head. The class, he says, didn’t notice the few moments when he stopped and stared at the board, but at that moment a groundbreaking concept now known as “refraction networking” became fixed in his brain. Refraction networking provides a way to deceive censors into thinking they have successfully blocked citizens from banned websites and services while they have, in actuality, allowed access.
Four years after that brainstorm in Ann Arbor, Halderman appeared in New York City with then-United Nations Ambassador Samantha Power to explain the concept at the Internet Freedom Technology Showcase, held alongside the 2015 U.N. General Assembly meeting. Halderman would go on to helm a coalition, relying on more than $2 million in federal funding from the State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and this summer the second pilot deployment of the technique took place. Steven Schultze, a former State Department program officer in the bureau, says refraction networking is “a generational jump forward” and “the most promising of all the anti-censorship programs going on.”
Part 1 and Part 2 that I wrote out is in the channel. This is long, but important. I spent two days putting it together. I have learned SOOOO much.
How to understand Voting Machine Patents and use them in lawsuits to get rid of them
From David Martin
VINDICATION: CoV Bioweapon Injections WERE NOT VACCINES and the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals just concurred! NO MORE mRNA mandates:
"Addressing the merits, the panel held that the district court misapplied the Supreme Court’s decision in Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11 (1905), in concluding that the Policy survived rational basis review. Jacobson held that mandatory vaccinations were rationally related to preventing the spread of smallpox. Here, however, plaintiffs allege that the vaccine does not effectively prevent spread but only mitigates symptoms for the recipient and therefore is akin to a medical treatment, not a “traditional” vaccine. Taking plaintiffs’ allegations as true at this stage of litigation, plaintiffs plausibly alleged that the COVID-19 vaccine does not effectively “prevent the spread” of COVID-19. Thus, Jacobson does not apply."
In: Case: 22-55908, 06/07/2024, ID: 12890145, DktEntry: 54-1, Page 1 of 33 In Health Freedom Defense Fund v. Los Angeles Unified School District!
Congratulations to Health Freedom Defense Fund and their remarkable counsel George Wentz for this victory for humanity!
David has assisted George Wentz’s Davelier Law group.
Microplastics Discovered in All Semen Samples in New Study
https://www.infowars.com/posts/microplastics-discovered-in-all-semen-samples-in-new-study/
Infowars
Microplastics Discovered in All Semen Samples in New Study
Microplastics were found in the semen of all 40 men who participated in a new study
🍒 𝑪𝒉𝒆𝒓𝒓𝒚 𝑺𝒑𝒐𝒓𝒕𝒔 è un network su Telegram a tema sportivo, entra nei nostri canali!
Last updated 3 months, 2 weeks ago
Link para ver los episodios:
https://t.me/+tNkG6w-sIDw3ZjIx
1) NON promuoviamo teorie antiscientifiche.
2) NON facciamo né propaganda vaccinale né antivaccinale.
3) RIPORTIAMO, nel virgolettato, la traduzione letterale di ciò che scrivono gli Autori delle pubblicazioni e i relativi link alla fonte originale