"Everyone has a say in Germany, the Jew, the Frenchman, the Englishman, the League of Nations, the world conscience, and the Devil knows who else, except the German worker. He has to bow down and work. Every four years he chooses his tormentors anew, and each time everything remains as it was before. That is injustice and fraud. We no longer have to tolerate it. We have the right to demand that the only people who have a say in Germany are those who, as Germans, co-create in this state and whose fate is linked for better or worse with the fate of the fatherland. That is why we demand: Destroy the system of exploitation of the German working class!
Germany to the Germans!"
— Dr Joseph Goebbels - "Wir fordern!" (We demand!) Der Angriff: Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit - 2nd July 1927.**

???⚡️ | Iraq arrest a Western and israeli backed ISIS terrorist in one of the controls of the Ghazaliya area in Baghdad

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Deng Xiaoping was a Maoist
The arguments from maoists that China has abandoned the structure of governance built in the Mao era are historically incorrect and logically flawed. Deng Xiaoping's reforms were constructed upon Chairman Mao's ground-up democracy and rural industrialization efforts. The industry and local market organism necessary for reform and opening up were already there when Chairman Mao passed away. Deng Xiaoping had simply to build on this, and accelerated the completion of China's industry by expanding the market through opening up to foreign trade and FDIs within China's existing socialist framework. This evolved into what is now known as a Socialist Market Economy. This isn't to say that there were not major changes brought into China's market mechanism post-reform. But rather that Deng Xiaoping carried them out WITHIN the strict vision that Chairman Mao had for the Chinese People and China's socialist future.
Deng Xiaoping is actually Mao 2.0 here. He actually sped up achieving Mao era goals laid out for society under socialism with Chinese characteristics by at least 3-4 decades. Chairman Mao would be at complete peace with how China has progressed today.
Chairman Mao also never really disapproved of Deng's ideas. His main worry was that class disparity between the uppermost and lower class Chinese had not dwindled enough to allow major market reforms, which he thought would throw the large peasant population that he had empowered, emboldened, and strengthened back into the shadows of shame and subservience. For him, the priority was always maintaining a dictatorship of the Proletariat. The abandoning of a Dictatorship of the proletariat was also Mao's first criticism of post-Stalin USSR. Under reform and opening up, for at least 2 decades, there were many instances where the rising contradictions of the new market economy seemed to be undoing Mao era policies. A portion of society was accumulating mind-numbingly large amounts of capital, while the majority saw very slow progress although not stagnation. However, the prompt responses to incoming contradictions by the CPC under the leadership of Jiang Zemin and later Hu Jintao kept these discrepancies from spiraling out of control. A better flow of money within China gave breathing room for small businesses in the country to grow and find its consumers within China itself.
And finally, Chairman Mao also held the view that Deng Xiaoping was being reckless and idealistic in wanting to throw Chinese Market doors open to the clawed conniving West. Truth is, there were many humbling moments for the Deng administration, but these only led to Deng Xiaoping himself solidifying Chairman Mao's vision for China even further through new measures taken to solve the new contradictions brought on by reform.
This meant that Socialism with Chinese Characteristics evolved by a gazillion times under Deng Xiaoping to become the most comprehensive, well-rounded, and advanced governance and economic practice directed towards maintaining and growing a People's Dictatorship never before seen in history.

What is the friend enemy distinction
The friend-enemy distinction is a concept developed by Carl Schmitt, which refers to the fundamental distinction between two types of relationships: those of friendship and those of enmity. According to Schmitt, this distinction is the essence of politics, and it is the foundation of all political action. For Schmitt, the friend-enemy distinction is not just a matter of personal relationships or individual animosity, but rather a fundamental aspect of human existence and the nature of politics. He argues that all political action is based on the possibility of conflict and the distinction between friend and enemy. In Schmitt’s view, the friend-enemy distinction is not a fixed or permanent state, but rather a dynamic and constantly evolving relationship. He argues that the distinction between friend and enemy is not based on objective criteria, but rather on the subjective perception of the individual or group. Schmitt’s concept of the friend-enemy distinction is often summarized as follows: The friend is someone with whom one can share a common identity, values, and goals, and who is willing to fight and die for the same cause. The enemy is someone who is perceived as a threat to one’s own identity, values, and goals, and who is willing to fight and die to achieve their own goals, even if it means destroying the other’s way of life.

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